Tuesday, November 25, 2003

An Iraqi Speaks... Not Some Mob of 100,000 Dimwits

From The Editorial Page of The Wall Street Journal

Great point by Mr. Talabani below. It is not a "resistance" that our troops are encountering in Iraqi, but terrorists who fight to retain their power in a lost dictatorship and outsiders seeking to stop freedom's progress on Iraqi soil. Shame on those who say it is a "resistance" to the U.S. and Bush's policies. Using such an important point in history and a critical period for the people of Iraqi for their own selfish political purposes is disgraceful. It is far from the truth and a grossly false statement that the terrorists fighting our soliders are rejecting their new "freedom" or feel captive by U.S. troops (read prior post for new survey results as proof).

Do you honestly believe the people of Iraqi want to go back to the prior form of government? To live in fear and terror? Or at best mediocrity and minimum subsistence? Who do you really think is behind all these attacks?

Shame on those who say our soliders shed their blood for naught and that they wasted their lives in a hostile land. As Mr. Talabani stated in his editorial, Americans are liberators. Nothing more or less. Not hostile occupiers or helpless caretakers. Not future dictators or relief works. Liberators who risked their lives for the freedom of the people of Iraq and are fighting against the same types of people who created the horror of 9/11.

Who really believes it is a "resistence" to the U.S. and its people? Who thinks the suicide car bombings are executed by the people of Iraq? Do you believe the average citizen of Iraq cared whether the U.S. received multi-lateral support before they overthrew Saddem? Do you really believe many of those nations that voted against the U.S. in the U.N. resolution would have later on volunteer their troops for such a mission and possible retaliation from world terrorists? Reality dictates practical approaches in life. Too much hope, wishful thinking, and discussion leads to indecision, fear, and dire consequences if people's lives are at stake.


The Way Forward
We Iraqis must bear the brunt of the fighting.

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
BY JALAL TALABANI

Sunday, November 23, 2003

BAGHDAD, Iraq--It has been my privilege to preside over the Iraqi Governing Council during a month of momentous events. We now have an agreement for the transfer of authority between the coalition, the liberators, and the council, the representatives of the liberated Iraqis. President Bush has outlined an inspiring vision for a free and democratic Middle East. Our American friends are resolutely striking back at the vicious remnants of Saddam Hussein's regime and damaging the network of Baathists and foreign Islamists attempting to destroy the Iraqi experiment in democracy. Yet these gains could easily be forfeited if we Iraqis do not bear the brunt of the fighting.

The enemies of Iraqi freedom are not "resistance," a word that evokes the heroism of Poles in the Second World War, nobly battling their occupiers. Nor can those who murder our American liberators, Red Cross workers, U.N. officials and Italian policemen be termed "guerrillas." Rather, they are terrorists. They are the thugs and torturers who repressed their fellow Iraqis for 35 years, the perpetrators of genocide, men who butchered hundreds of thousands of Kurds, Marsh Arabs and Shiite Arabs. The creation of an antidemocratic fascist counterrevolution of Baathists and foreign Islamic volunteers, some of whom are from al Qaeda and Ansar al-Islam, is a classic unholy Middle Eastern alliance. These people have more support among the Arab media and in the studios of al-Jazeera than they do in Iraq.

The significance of this wave of terrorism is not military but political. On the battlefield the terrorists are losing. But the terrorists have grasped something that too few in the U.S. will admit: that Iraq is now the central front both in the war against terrorism and the struggle for a better Middle East. The terrorists will not stop fighting if the U.S. troops are withdrawn, rather they will become emboldened to believe that they can win this conflict.

Only the U.S. was capable of toppling Saddam's dictatorship, a brilliantly executed campaign in which the Kurdish guerrillas, the peshmerga, were the only Iraqis to take casualties fighting with the coalition. The defeat of the terrorists, however, must be largely an Iraqi endeavor. By taking up arms and routing the terrorists, Iraqis will own their new democracy--nobody will be able to say that it has been handed to them.
Two measures must be taken so that Iraqis can fight side by side with your brave GIs. First, we need to use existing Iraqi patriotic forces. There are over 60,000 peshmerga who have fought alongside the coalition and who are keen to contribute. We accept the sensitivities that preclude using Kurdish troops in Arab areas. However, the peshmerga can be used to provide backup and guard facilities, as well as protect the borders of our country, thereby freeing up Iraqi forces for operations in the Sunni Triangle.

Second, the new Iraqi army, police and intelligence services must be trained by the coalition and dedicated to defending democracy. Resurrecting the former Iraqi army is not an option. The Iraqi army had a record of internal repression and external aggression. L. Paul Bremer, the coalition's administrator, demonstrated great wisdom when he formally wound up the Iraqi army. Like the Allied decree in 1946 that dissolved Prussia, the edict abolishing the Iraqi army struck at the roots of the Arab nationalist militarism that plagued Iraq even before Saddam.

Those advocating the recall of the former Iraqi army are propounding the "stability first" policy that President Bush rejected with his Nov. 6 speech. The Iraqi peoples were victims of the "stability" imposed by the Iraqi army. All patriotic Iraqis were heartened when Mr. Bush said that "60 years of Western nations excusing and accommodating the lack of freedom in the Middle East did nothing to make us safe--because in the long run, stability cannot be purchased at the expense of liberty." Our battle against the terrorists will be long and painful, but while we fight we will continue to rebuild. Iraq is often falsely described as a mess, even a quagmire. Yet seven months after liberation, Iraq is making impressive progress by any standard. It is a testament to the determination of all of Iraq's peoples, Kurds, Arabs, Turkomans and Assyrians alike, that they have persevered in the face of a merciless terrorist campaign.

What is happening in Iraq is not, however, the restoration of normality, because in Saddam's Iraq there was no such thing. Rather, it is a courageous and necessary attempt to create the basic elements of a decent, democratic society in a place where human dignity was relentlessly crushed underfoot. Iraqi Kurdistan's experience of self-government, tolerance and civil-society building over the last 12 years is now being extended to the whole of Iraq. In Baghdad today, there are scores of newspapers and nearly as many political parties. For the first time in 35 years the basic issues facing Iraq can be loudly debated in public rather than fearfully whispered behind closed doors. Iraq today is a success. It was Iraq under Saddam that was a "mess," where mass graves were "normality."

Critically, Iraq is finally benefiting from its own resources. Under Saddam, Iraq gave cheap oil to the region to buy influence, while wasting oil revenues on arms and palaces. So while oil production is still below prewar levels, our net oil revenues are probably higher now that Baathist waste has been eliminated.

Most of Iraq is now peaceful. Iraqi Kurdistan and largely Shiite Arab southern Iraq have suffered relatively little violence. The localized terrorist problem in the Sunni Arab "triangle" and parts of Baghdad should not deter foreign investors. Rather they should build on the success of the Madrid donors' conference. Entrepreneurs and foreign lenders, such as the World Bank, should begin operating in Iraqi Kurdistan and southern Iraq. Some foreign firms have already teamed up with Iraqi enterprises to reconstruct Iraq. They know that Iraq is ripe for foreign investment and development. Iraq needs to attract foreign investment to create the private-sector jobs that our economy, dominated by state enterprises, so desperately needs.

The terrorists want our bid for democracy to fail, just as the same terrorists attempted in recent years to undermine self-rule in Iraqi Kurdistan. The courage of the U.S. and Britain in liberating Iraq was a blow to the negative forces in the Middle East, to the Arab chauvinism and Islamist radicalism that so murderously combined to commit the atrocity of September 11. These terrorists know that if they are defeated in Iraq, then they will be defeated everywhere, but that if they can make the U.S. stumble or lose its nerve in Iraq, then their cause is not yet lost. It is for Iraqis to prove them wrong.


Mr. Talabani is the current president of the Iraq Governing Council and secretary-general of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan.

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